There is an understandable, if sometimes counterproductive, tendency in New Delhi to view Pakistan’s internal tensions and contradictions only through the lens of a troubled bilateral relationship. The clash between Pakistani and Afghan forces during Afghanistan Foreign Minister and Taliban leader Amir Khan Muttaqi’s visit to India, and its fallout, is a case in point. The current round of violence began with Pakistan carrying out airstrikes inside Afghan territory, and the latter retaliating by capturing military posts across the Durand Line. Security personnel have been killed on both sides. The state of ties between Rawalpindi and Kabul is certainly of strategic significance to India in particular and the region as a whole. It is also important, however, to understand the broader historical and cultural underpinnings of the current conflict, and gauge whether the leadership across the border is capable of drawing the right lessons from it.
In August 2021, when the US withdrew from Afghanistan after two decades, Islamabad did little to disguise its jubilation. It saw the return of the Taliban as an opportunity to chase, once again, the chimaera of “strategic depth”. That triumphalism, however, was short-lived. Fundamental issues between the two countries that go back to Partition remained unresolved. Kabul does not recognise the Durand Line, and the Pakistani establishment’s fear of “Pashtunistan” continues to colour its approach to the frontier. Rawalpindi and Islamabad accuse the Taliban of sheltering the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), and providing a haven for terrorists who attack from across the border. At the same time, the Pakistan army and government have given short shrift to bodies like the Pashtun Tahafuz (self-respect) Movement — a peaceful organisation that seeks a dialogue on rights and autonomy. Kabul, for its part, has long resented Rawalpindi viewing it as a puppet.
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The people of Pakistan, and those across countries who have suffered the consequences of the adventurism of its military-intelligence complex, are the victims of a cruel irony. Its policies have tied Islamabad’s hands, and violence has become a common currency in the country’s politics: Protests against Israel by the fundamentalist Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP) have also witnessed violence and the deployment of security forces. The use of religion and fundamentalist non-state actors to pursue strategic ends can have no happy ending. India will closely observe the developments in Pakistan and the degree of maturity the government and army show in dealing with discontent and strategic challenges. An unstable Pakistan does not augur well for regional security.