The sudden imposition of U.S. tariffs on India has sparked intrigue in the American media landscape. It’s a rare occurrence to see India feature in U.S. news headlines—a feat usually reserved for major natural disasters.
India is considered an important U.S. ally in the Indo-Pacific, countering China’s dominance in global supply chains. But the U.S.-India relationship, which seemed to be sailing on cruise control just a few months ago, has hit its largest obstacle in decades. What started as President Donald Trump‘s claims of a mediated “ceasefire” between the two nuclear rivals in the Indian subcontinent, India and Pakistan, following the Pakistan-backed terrorist attack in India, soon spiraled into a tariff war.
The latest ugly episode in the relationship saw Peter Navarro, President Trump’s senior counselor for trade and manufacturing, trashing and denigrating India, Hindus, and PM Narendra Modi in his social media posts and media appearances. His choice of Mr. Modi’s picture in a Yogic posture and his “Brahmin” comment have pushed the discourse closer to being Hinduphobic.
India, for its part, has denied that there was any outside involvement in the ceasefire negotiations, including by the United States. India’s diplomatic response has been measured but firm. Meanwhile, the public mood in India, previously favorable toward Mr. Trump, has quickly soured.
TIANJIN, CHINA – SEPTEMBER 01: Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi (R) walks next to Russian President Vladimir Putin during the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) Summit 2025 at the Meijiang Convention and Exhibition Centre on September 1, 2025 in Tianjin, China.
Suo Takekuma – Pool/Getty Images
President Trump’s punitive tariffs on India do nothing to “Make America Great Again.” They only undermine the bipartisan work done by both American and Indian leadership over the past three decades to improve the relationship between the world’s two most powerful democracies.
The U.S.-India relationship “seemed poised to strengthen in Trump’s second term,” said Max Abrahms, a professor of political science at Northeastern University and a Senior Fellow at the American Foreign Policy Council. Trump’s MAGA base considers China the country’s foremost geopolitical threat, but these “America First” elements of the GOP also prioritize the national interests of the United States over international alliances and agreements, said Abrahms. “They dislike India purchasing Russian oil, but remain silent on China doing the same, albeit in a much larger quantity than India. This selective application of ‘America First’ principles has strained the U.S.-India relationship,” he said.
Subhash Kak, the Regents Professor of the School of Electrical and Computer Engineering at Oklahoma State University at Stillwater, believes that tariffs on India are “a massive miscalculation” on the part of the Trump administration. Mr. Trump’s tariffs, Kak says, stem from the belief that tariffs are America’s last chance to ensure that it remains the world’s dominant power—both economically and militarily. Kak contends, however, that high tariffs in general are a significant gamble for the U.S., as BRICS+, which holds approximately 41 percent of global GDP, has already surpassed the U.S.-led G7, which accounts for 28 percent. The shift is driven by China (19.6 percent of the global economy) and India (8.5 percent)—the world’s two most populous nations.
Higher tariffs may accelerate the process of de-dollarization, a prime concern of the GOP’s MAGA base. “High tariffs will lead to a higher volume of trade in the BRICS bloc, and it will increasingly lead to the de-dollarization of international trade,” Kak explained. “To place the highest tariffs on India is a huge miscalculation on the part of Trump. He is trying to bully India into accepting U.S. overlordship on terms that are illogical and unfair. This is only going to help U.S.’ main geopolitical rival, China.”
However, many Indians see U.S. tariffs on India as a silver lining. This tariff emergency could be a wake-up call, according to Ramesh Rao, a communications professor at Columbus State University. The tariffs could encourage Mr. Modi to take bolder economic and labor reforms that could bolster his signature “Make in India” program. The process of such reforms, Rao says, has been punishingly slow. “The Indian economy, for all the numbers thrown about, is still a terrible mix of the old, slow, corrupt, bureaucratic, protection-focused economy. India is neither competitive (except for the IT coolie labor) nor innovative. The privatization drive under the Vajpayee Government seems to have slowed down under Mr. Modi,” said Rao.
In addition to the tariff kerfuffle, 1.5 billion Indians and about 5 million Indian Americans are surprised, disgusted, and hurt at the insults and invectives thrown at them from Mr. Trump’s MAGA base, including some prominent Trump administration officials. “What is both dangerous and galling is the unhinged and provocative messaging from the White House,” said Rao. Even more surprising is that no reprimand or condemnation has come from either the White House or GOP leadership.
Kak, on the other hand, thinks that one should ignore Peter Navarro’s tirade against India. Navarro, a prominent figure in the Trump administration, had even harsher criticisms of China during Trump’s first term. Mr. Trump may simply be using Navarro as the bad cop in the good cop/bad cop routine to pressure India.
Regardless of the tactics, India must maintain its position in the international trade arena. As the world’s largest consumer market and the fastest-growing economy, India has significant stakes in this complex political and global landscape. Indian leaders and citizens can only hope for a positive turn of events. Perhaps something will prompt Mr. Trump to ease his tariff pressure. After all, Mr. Trump hasn’t stopped praising Mr. Modi and his leadership.
Avatans Kumar is a journalist and recipient of San Francisco Press Club’s journalism awards. Follow him on X @avatans.
The views expressed in this article are the writer’s own.